In July, the High Court delivered a deeply flawed judgment in our case with Al-Haq challenging arms exports to Israel. In the face of overwhelming evidence of atrocities, the court refused to grapple with the key legal issues.
The court’s refusal to adjudicate on whether the F-35s carve out is consistent with the UK’s obligations under international law cannot go unchallenged.
We have filed an appeal of the High Court ruling and we will be in the Court of Appeal on 9 October for an oral permission hearing. Permission applications are usually papers-based, but the Court of Appeal has decided that our case raises such important legal questions that even the permission stage should be held in open court.
Earlier this summer, the High Court delivered a deeply flawed judgment in our case with Al-Haq challenging arms exports to Israel. The Court’s decision allows the UK Government to continue exporting F-35 fighter jet parts into the global supply chain, despite knowing these jets are being sold to and used by Israel in Gaza.
This is the only legal challenge in the UK aimed at ending military support to Israel in the face of overwhelming evidence of atrocities, and the courts have refused to grapple with the key legal issues.
The court’s refusal to adjudicate on whether the F-35s carve out is consistent with the UK’s obligations under international law cannot go unchallenged. We have filed an appeal of the High Court ruling and we will be in the Court of Appeal on 9th October for an oral permission hearing.
Permission applications are usually papers-based, but the Court of Appeal believes our case raises such important legal questions that even the permission stage should be held in open court. _________________ Support this appeal _________________ Appealing now is not only about justice in this case. It’s about shaping the role that international law plays in UK courts, and the court’s role in using it to hold the government to account. To continue sending F-35 parts to Israel, the Government has pushed international law to breaking point. It has rendered its duty to prevent genocide meaningless.
This is the only legal challenge in the UK aimed at ending military support to Israel. Appealing now is not only about justice in this case. It’s about shaping the role that international law plays in UK courts. To continue sending F-35 parts to Israel, the Government has pushed international law to breaking point. It has rendered its duty to prevent genocide meaningless.
An appeal in this case is the only chance we have to invite a court to give meaning to international law in the UK, on the most important issue of our time, protecting Palestinian people from Israel’s genocide.
If the High Court decision stands it would cement the insidious orthodox legal view that the government can interpret international law however it wants without judicial scrutiny. The current government is already gutting key international law protections. It is terrifying to imagine what this would enable a future far-right Reform led government to do. This appeal is the best, and possibly only, opportunity we have to set this right.
The world is watching. The atrocities in Gaza are worsening. The legal tools exist, but unless we act, they will continue to be ignored.
On Monday, the High Court delivered its judgment in one of the most important challenges ever taken in the UK, declining to uphold Al-Haq and GLAN’s case challenging the export of deadly war plane parts that are used in attacks against Palestinians. The judgment is a disappointing setback in Al-Haq’s effort to ensure that all states respect international law in their dealings with Israel, but we are already considering grounds for appeal.
This case has exposed a glaring gap in the government’s accountability. The court declined to pass judgment on the government’s genocide assessment and declined to rule on whether the government’s decision to continue to supply Israel with parts for its lethal F-35 fighter jets through the global supply chain was consistent with its duty to prevent genocide. Leaving the question, who is the UK government accountable to in matters of international law? Who is there to ensure its obligations under domestic law and the Geneva Conventions, including its duty to prevent genocide, are met?
We are undeterred – our long legal battle with Al-Haq has already achieved a great deal and shown the power of human rights and civil society organisations to hold states accountable. This challenge is just one part of the continuing fight for accountability, justice, and an end of the occupation. The situation in Gaza is an affront to international law and it is an affront to our shared humanity.
Our expert legal team is still digesting the judgment fully and taking time to analyse what the most powerful and impactful next steps will be. Watch this space – we’ll keep you updated every step of the way.
For now, though, we want to thank you for making this case possible. It has shown the power of human rights and civil society organisations to hold states accountable. We are all stronger when we stand together and I am so grateful to have you standing with us.
My journey into the realm of people’s history began during my teenage years when I first read Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States. This initial exposure sparked my curiosity about how history is constructed, and it led me to delve deeper into historiography—particularly the evolution of people’s history as an intellectual movement. Over the years, I encountered a wide range of historians, from Michel Foucault and Marc Bloch to Lucien Febvre and Chris Harman, each offering unique perspectives on the study of ordinary people in history.
However, it wasn’t until I immersed myself in the work of Antonio Gramsci that I discovered a more universal, less provincial, and Western-centric approach to history. Although Gramsci did not explicitly position himself as a historian of the people, his ideas on organic intellectuals and cultural hegemony have provided invaluable tools for understanding how ordinary people can shape history. Gramsci’s theories have brought a more relatable and applicable understanding of Marxism, particularly by liberating it from the confines of rigid economic theories.
The Contribution of Linda Tuhiwai Smith
A significant turning point in my intellectual journey came with Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s ‘Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples’. Her work further deepened my understanding of how to approach history from a decolonial perspective. Smith’s methodology allowed me to, once again, revisit and reconsider Palestinian history, challenging the orientalist and elitist perspectives that have long distorted the narrative. It also opened my eyes to a lingering issue within indigenous history: many of us, as indigenous historians, unknowingly replicate the very methodologies used by Western historians to portray us as the ‘other.’
Smith’s work fundamentally challenges the traditional view that history is written by the victor.
“It is the story of the powerful and how they became powerful, and then how they use their power to keep them in positions in which they can continue to dominate others,” she wrote.
Instead, history can be written to empower the oppressed, enabling them to challenge their victimhood. However, for this alternative history to be effective, it must be acknowledged not just by historians but also by those affected by the misreading of history.
Malcolm X’s Empowerment and Global Resonance
One of the most profound aspects of Malcolm X’s message, aside from his courage and intellectual rigor, was his focus on empowering Black communities to challenge their own inferiority and reclaim their power. He did not prioritize confronting white racism; rather, he sought to inspire Black people to assert their identity and strength. This message has resonated globally, especially in the Global South, and continues to thrive today. For a deeper understanding of Malcolm X’s impact, I recommend The Dead Arising: The Life of Malcolm X by Les Payne.
In the Palestinian context, there is a similarly pressing need for a reclamation of the narrative—a reclaiming of both identity and history. While a people’s history of Palestine is beginning to emerge, there are still misunderstandings about what this form of research truly entails.
The Role of Refaat Alareer in Palestinian History
Refaat Alareer, a Gaza-based Palestinian historian, will be remembered for his significant contributions to articulating the Palestinian struggle for freedom. In the years leading up to his assassination by Israel during the Gaza genocide on December 6, 2023, he consistently emphasized the centrality of resistance in Palestinian discourse, gaining recognition for his courage, poetry, and intellectual work. It is also essential to highlight Alareer’s unwavering belief that Palestinians must control what I refer to as “the means of content production.” This control is vital to prevent the Palestinian narrative from being hijacked or manipulated by external forces.
“Gaza writes back because the power of imagination is a creative way to construct a new reality. Gaza writes back because writing is a nationalist obligation, a duty to humanity, and a moral responsibility,” he wrote.
Misunderstandings in People’s History Research
There are several common misunderstandings about people’s history that need to be addressed. These misconceptions often stem from the way this form of research is applied, especially in newer contexts.
People’s History is Not Just Oral History
While oral history and storytelling are essential components in laying the foundation for people’s history, they should not be confused with people’s history itself. Oral history can provide raw material for research, but true people’s history requires a broader, more comprehensive approach that avoids selectivity or bias.
The collective messages of ordinary people should shape the intellectual outcomes, allowing for a more accurate understanding of complex phenomena.
Concepts like sumud (steadfastness), karamah (dignity), and muqawama (resistance) must be seen not just as sentimental values, but as political units of analysis that traditional history often overlooks.
People’s History Cannot Be Used to Validate Pre-Existing Ideas
It is crucial to differentiate people’s history from opportunistic attempts to validate pre-existing ideas. Edward Said’s concept of the “Native Informant” highlights how seemingly indigenous voices have been used to legitimize colonial interventions.
Similarly, political groups or activists might selectively present voices from within oppressed communities to validate their own pre-existing views or agendas.
In the Palestinian context, this often manifests in the portrayal of “moderate” Palestinians as the acceptable face of the Palestinian discourse, while “radical” Palestinians are labeled as extremists. This selective representation not only misrepresents the Palestinian people but also allows Western powers to manipulate the Palestinian narrative without appearing to do so.
Refaat Alareer Memorial Library in the Northwestern encampment in solidarity with Palestine | Image via @shishibeans/X
People’s History is Not the Annunciation of Pre-Existing Agendas
In traditional academic research, the study typically follows a hypothesis, methodology, and a process of proving or disproving ideas. While people’s history can follow rational research methods, it does not adhere to the traditional structure of validating right or wrong.
It is not about proving a hypothesis, but about uncovering collective sentiments, thoughts, and societal trends. The responsibility of the historian is to reveal the voices of the people without subjecting them to pre-established notions or biases.
People’s History is Not the Study of People
Linda Smith emphasizes the importance of liberating indigenous knowledge from the colonial tools of research. In traditional Western research, the colonized people are often reduced to mere subjects to be studied.
People’s history, on the other hand, recognizes these individuals as political agents whose histories, cultures, and stories are forms of knowledge in themselves. When knowledge is harnessed for the benefit of the people it belongs to, the entire research process changes.
For example, Israel ‘studies’ Palestinian culture as a means to subdue Palestinian resistance. They attempt to manipulate societal faultlines to weaken the resolve of Palestinians.
This is a crude but effective manifestation of colonial research methods. While these methods may not always be violent, their ultimate goal remains the same: to weaken popular movements, exploit resources, and suppress resistance.
Conclusion
People’s history is an urgent necessity, especially in contexts like Palestine, where it is vital to communicate the empowered voices of the people to the rest of the world.
This form of research must be conducted with a deeper understanding of its methodologies to avoid further marginalization and exploitation. By prioritizing the narrative of ordinary people, we can shift the historical discourse towards greater authenticity, justice, and empowerment.
Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is ‘Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out’. His other books include ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net
An independent inquiry must establish the truth about officials’ involvement in Israel’s military assault, write a group of MPs, including Jeremy Corbyn, Brian Leishman, Carla Denyer and Richard Burgon
In the aftermath of the Iraq war, several attempts were made to establish an inquiry surrounding the conduct of British military operations. Published in 2016, the Chilcot inquiry found serious failings in the British government, which ignored the warnings of millions of ordinary people over its disastrous decision to go to war.
History is repeating itself. Today, the death toll in Gaza has reportedly exceeded 61,000. Two Israeli officials are wanted by the international criminal court for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Britain has played a highly influential role in Israel’s military operations, including the sale of weapons, the supply of intelligence and the use of Royal Air Force bases in Cyprus.
A view of the destruction caused by Israeli attacks in Jabalia, Gaza. ‘Many people believe that the government has taken decisions that have implicated officials in the gravest breaches of international law.’ Photograph: APAImages/Rex/Shutterstock
Transparency and accountability are cornerstones of democracy. Therefore we are demanding an independent, public inquiry into the UK’s involvement in Israel’s military assault in Gaza. This inquiry should establish exactly what decisions have been taken, how they have been made and what consequences they have had. Any meaningful inquiry would require the full cooperation of ministers involved in decision-making processes since October 2023.
Many people believe that the government has taken decisions that have implicated officials in the gravest breaches of international law. These charges will not go away until there is an inquiry with the legal power to establish the truth.
Jeremy CorbynIndependent Alliance, Brendan O’Hara Middle East spokesperson, Scottish National party, Carla Denyer Co-leader, Green party, Brian LeishmanScottish Labour, Diane AbbottLabour, Zarah SultanaIndependent, Richard Burgon Labour
The conflict in the Middle East has destroyed countless lives and the horrific scenes since 7 October 2023 from Gaza and Israel have haunted millions around the world.
Understanding what has happened – and what comes next – is more important than ever.
Our call for an independent inquiry into the UK’s involvement in Gaza is growing.
The public deserve to know the full scale of this country’s complicity in one of the greatest crimes of our time — and pressure is mounting on our government to come clean.https://t.co/sfD99D0OdY
The conversation on settler colonialism must not be limited to academic discussion. It is a political reality, clearly demonstrated in the everyday behavior of Israel.
Israel is not merely an expansionist regime historically; it remains actively so today. Additionally, the core of Israeli political discourse, both past and present, revolves around territorial expansion.
Frequently, we succumb to the trap of blaming such language on a specific set of right-wing and extremist politicians or on a particular US administration. The truth is vastly different: the Israeli Zionist political discourse, though it may change in style, remains fundamentally unchanged throughout time.
Zionist leaders have always associated the establishment and expansion of their state with the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, later referred to in Zionist literature as the “transfer.”
Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern political Zionism, wrote in his diary about the ethnic cleansing of the Arab population from Palestine:
“We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it any employment in our own country… Both the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discreetly and circumspectly.”
It is unclear what happened to Herzl’s grand employment scheme aimed at “spiriting” the population of Palestine across the region. What we know is that the so-called “penniless population” resisted the Zionist project in numerous ways. Ultimately, the depopulation of Palestine occurred through force, culminating in the Nakba, the Catastrophe of 1948.
The discourse of the erasure of the Palestinian people has been the shared foundation among all Israeli officials and governments, though it has been expressed in different ways. It has always had a material component, manifesting in the slow but decisive takeover of Palestinian homes in the West Bank, the confiscation of farms, and the constant construction of “military zones.”
Despite Israeli claims, this “incremental genocide” is not directly linked to the nature and degree of Palestinian resistance. Jenin and Masafer Yatta illustrate this clearly.
Take, for example, the ongoing ethnic cleansing in the northern West Bank, which, according to UNRWA, is the worst since 1967. The displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians has been justified by Israel as a military necessity due to the fierce resistance in that region, primarily Jenin, but other areas as well.
However, many parts of the West Bank, including the area of Masafer Yatta, have not been engaged in armed resistance. Yet, they have been primary targets for Israel’s colonial expansion.
In other words, Israeli colonialism is in no way linked to Palestinian resistance, action or inaction. This has remained true for decades.
Gaza is a stark example. While one of the most horrific genocides in recent history was being carried out, Israeli real estate developers, members of the Knesset (Parliament), and leaders of the illegal settlement movement were all meeting to discuss investment opportunities in a depopulated Gaza. The callous tycoons were busy promising villas on the beach for competitive prices while Palestinians starved to death, amid an ever-growing body count. Even fiction cannot be as cruel as this reality.
It is no wonder that the Americans joined in, as evidenced by equally ruthless comments made by Jared Kushner, the son-in-law of US President Donald Trump, and eventually by the President himself.
While many at the time spoke about the strangeness of US foreign policy, few mentioned that both countries are prime examples of settler colonialism. Unlike other settler colonial societies, both Israel and the US are still committed to the same project.
Trump’s desire to take over and rename the Gulf of Mexico, his ambition to occupy Greenland and claim it as American territory, and, of course, his comments about owning Gaza are all examples of settler colonial language and behavior.
The difference between Trump and previous presidents is that others used military power to expand US influence through war and hundreds of military bases worldwide without explicitly using expansionist language. Instead, they referenced the need to challenge the Soviet “red menace,” “restore democracy,” and launch a global “war on terror” as justifications for their actions. Trump, however, feels no need to mask his actions with false logic and outright lies. Brutal honesty is his brand, though in essence, he is no different than the rest.
Israel, on the other hand, rarely feels the need to explain itself to anyone. It remains a model of a ferocious, traditional colonial society that fears no accountability and has no regard for international law.
While the Israelis pushed to conquer and ethnically cleanse Gaza, they remained entrenched in southern Lebanon, insisting on remaining in five strategic areas, thus violating the ceasefire agreement with Lebanon, which was signed on November 27.
A perfect case in point was the immediate—and I mean immediate—expansion into southern Syria, the moment the Syrian regime collapsed on December 8.
As soon as the events in Syria opened up security margins, Israeli tanks rolled in, warplanes destroyed almost the entirety of the Syrian army, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu canceled the armistice agreement signed in 1974.
That expansion continued, though Syria represented no so-called security threat to Israel whatsoever. Israel is now in control of the Sheikh Mountain and Quneitra inside Syria.
The unquenchable appetite for land in Israel remains as strong as it was upon the formation of the Zionist movement and the takeover of the Palestinian homeland nearly eight decades ago.
This realization is crucial, and Arab countries, in particular, must understand this. Sacrificing Palestinians to the Israeli death machine with the flawed calculation that Israel’s ambitions are limited to Gaza and the West Bank is a fatal mistake.
Israel will not hesitate for a minute to militarily move into any Arab geographic space the moment it feels able to do so, and it will always find US support and European silence, regardless of how destructive its actions are.
Jordan, Egypt, and other Arab countries could find themselves facing the same predicament as Syria today: watching their territories being devoured while remaining powerless and without recourse.
This realization should also matter to those busy finding “solutions” to the Palestinian-Israeli “conflict,” which narrowly frame the problem to that of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.
Settler colonialism can never be resolved through creative solutions. A settler colonial state ceases to exist, and a settler colonial society ceases to function if territorial expansion is not a permanent state of affairs.
The only solution to this is that Israel’s settler colonialism must be challenged, curtailed, and ultimately defeated. It may be a difficult task, but it is an inescapable one.
– Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is ‘Our Vision for Liberation: Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out’. His other books include ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net
Time to clarify WHERE Zionists “believe Israel has the right to exist”.
OPTION 1: On the land taken by force from the Palestinians in 1947-1949? Israel already exists on that land! The tantrums and fuss about it – while an entire people is being annihilated – is utterly unsufferable.
2. OPTION 2: everywhere “from the river to the sea”? That is false: The State of Israel has NO right to exist in Gaza, east Jerusalem, and the West Bank (land where Palestinians have exclusive right to self-determination in the form of independent statehood). It is flagrantly unlawful, violates UN Charter, customary IL, ICJ jurisprudence, and much more.
Christian extremists in America bond with Jewish extremists in Israel not over religion but a shared fascism.
Christian Nationalists who form the bedrock of support for Donald Trump — 80 percent voted for Trump in the last election according to a voter survey by the Associated Press — have mounted a concerted campaign calling on the White House to back Israel’s annexation of the West Bank and Gaza.
This campaign includes visits to Israel by prominent leaders, including Ralph Reed, Tony Perkins and Mario Bramnick, petitioning the White House, lobbying Congress and calls for annexation at Christian conferences, including a resolution of support for Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank adopted at the most recent Conservative Political Action Conference. The National Religious Broadcasters (NRB) Convention in Dallas, in March, gathered over 200 signatures from pastors and right-wing religious leaders from across the United States calling for the annexation of “Judea and Samaria” — the purported biblical name for the West Bank —and declaring the two state solution “a failed experiment.”
American Christian Leaders for Israel, which says it represents a network of “over 3,000 organizational leaders from across the nation, including the National Religious Broadcasters,” endorsed the NRB resolution and sent it to Trump. Congresswoman Claudia Tenney and five other members of the congressional “Friends of Judea and Samaria Caucus,” sent a letter to Trump asking to “recognize the right of Israel” to declare sovereignty over the occupied Palestinian territories, arguing that it will advance “the Judeo-Christian heritage on which our nation was founded.”
Trump, who rescinded a Biden administration executive order that sanctioned Jewish colonists in the West Bank for human rights violations, promised, on Feb. 4, to make an announcement in the “next four weeks,” about possible annexation of the West Bank. This follows Trump’s call for the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and death threats to the Palestinians unless they release Israeli hostages. “You’re talking about probably a million and a half people, and we just clean out that whole thing,” Trump said of Gaza while speaking to reporters aboard Air Force One.
The agenda of Zionist extremists and Christian fascists, who hold senior positions throughout the Trump administration, have long converged. The language, iconography and symbolism used by the Christian and Jewish fascists is biblical. But the bonds are political, not religious.
Mike Huckabee, the former governor of Arkansas and a Baptist minister, has been nominated by Trump to be the U.S. ambassador to Israel. Huckabee has said there is “no such thing as a Palestinian” and asserted that Palestinian identity is “a political tool to try and force land away from Israel.” He proposes that any Palestinian state should be created outside of Israel in neighboring countries such as Egypt, Syria or Jordan. He dismisses the two-state solution as “irrational and unworkable.”
“I believe the scripture. Genesis 12: Those who bless Israel will be blessed; those who curse Israel will be cursed. I want to be on the blessing side, not the curse side,” Huckabee says.
John Ratcliffe, appointed by Trump to run the Central Intelligence Agency, advocates assisting Israel in what he described as its “foot-on-their-throat” approach against Iran.
Trump’s Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth — who argues that “Zionism and Americanism are the front-lines of Western civilization and freedom in our world today” — pedals the usual absurdity that the Hebrew Bible, written 4,000 years ago, can be used to draw contemporary national borders.
He told Fox News last November: “Open up your Bible. God granted Abraham this land. The twelve tribes of Israel established a constitutional monarchy in 1000 BC. King David was their second king and established Jerusalem as the capital. Jews were fighting foreign occupiers for centuries, ultimately maintaining a presence there. And right now, Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims, are trying to erase the Jewish ties to Jerusalem, as we speak. I’ve been there multiple times. They’re trying to make it look like Jews were never there. The most important aspect of this is the international community granted sovereignty to the Jews, to the Jewish state, after World War II, and Israel has had to fight defensive war after defensive war, with every country coming to crush it, ever since then just to exist.”
The televangelist Paula White-Cain, a militant Christian Zionist, who says that defying Trump is akin to “fighting against the hand of God,” is a senioradvisor in the newly created White House Faith Office.
Murder the Meek – by Mr. Fish
Universities in the United States were slandered by Zionists as allies of Hamas immediately after the Oct. 7 incursion into Israel, weeks before there were any campus protests. These colleges and universities, in response to criticism and the creation of student encampments, banned protests and shut down free speech. They have disciplined, suspended or expelled student activists. They have also fired or placed on probation faculty and administrators who spoke against the genocide.
The witch hunt saw the presidents of Harvard University, the University of Pennsylvania and MIT endure a McCarthyite inquisition in Congressional hearings spearheaded by Rep. Elise Stefanik. The presidents of Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania, because they did not grovel enough, were eventually forced to step down. Stefanik, who rejoiced in the firings of the Ivy League presidents, issued a statement promising to “continue to move forward to expose the rot in our most ‘prestigious’ higher education institutions and deliver accountability to the American people.”
Stefanik is Trump’s nominee to be the ambassador to the United Nations. She believes “Israel has a biblical right to the entire West Bank.”
Columbia University, four months before the protest encampment was set up on campus, banned the school’s chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace. Once an encampment was established in the center of the university, it authorized three police raids with over 100 student arrests. Last week, it expelled four students, three from Barnard College and one from Columbia. It has forced out professors and administrators.
The Trump administration, despite the draconian measures imposed by Columbia’s administrators, canceled approximately $400 million in federal grants to the university due to what it calls the “continued inaction in the face of persistent harassment of Jewish students.”
The campaign mounted against colleges and universities has nothing to do with combating antisemitism. Columbia and other unversities can never placate their critics. The campaign is about criminalizing dissent and forcing educational institutions to adhere to the ideological dictates of the far right and Christian fascists. Antisemitism is the excuse.
Christian fascists distort Christianity to sacralize white supremacy, the U.S. empire and capitalism, as well as demonizing those who oppose them as satanic. These heretics — I speak as a dvinity school graduate — deform the Gospels in the same way Jewish fascists deform the Torah. In fact, according to the eschatology of the Christian fascists, Jews in Israel in the “End Times” will be converted to Christianity or exterminated, which exposes their deep antisemitic roots and open embrace of Nazi theorists such as Carl Schmidt and sympathizers such as Rousas John Rushdoony.
Israel routinely violates diplomatic and ethical norms. It ignores humanitarian law and international law, carrying out genocide in violation of the United Nations’s 1948 Genocide Convention. It mocks the concept of the open, democratic society, creating second class citizens and a system of apartheid dominated by those of predominantly European descent. It employs indiscriminate lethal force to “cleanse” its society of those branded as human “contaminants,” “human animals.”
Jewish supremacy, like the supremacy of the Christian fascists, is, these fanatics claim, sanctified by God. The slaughter of the Palestinians, who Benjamin Netanyahu compared to the biblical Amalekites, are the incarnate of evil and deserve to be massacred. Euro-Americans in the American colonies used the same biblical passage to justify the genocide of Native Americans. Violence and the threat of violence are the only forms of communication those inside the magical circle of Jewish nationalism or Christian nationalism speak.
Jewish fascism is what the Christian fascists seek to emulate. They too yearn to “cleanse” American society of its human “contaminants” the way Israel is ethnically cleansing itself of the Palestinians. Israel’s Basic Law: The Nation State of the Jewish People, passed by the Knesset in 2018, declares that the right to self-determination in Israel is “exclusive to the Jewish People.” This legal discrimination is one American fascists plan to emulate on behalf of white Christians. The familiar enemies of fascism — journalists, human rights advocates, people of color, undocumented workers, Muslims, intellectuals, artists, feminists, liberals, the left, pacifists and the poor — will, as in Israel, be targets.
The judiciary will be a tool for repressing dissidents and protecting the rich. Public debate will wither. Civil society and the rule of law will cease to exist. Those branded as “disloyal” will be persecuted, evidenced by the State Department’s AI-powered “Catch and Revoke” effort to “cancel the visas of foreign nationals who appear to support Hamas or other designated terror groups.”
On March 8, Federal immigration authorities detained Columbia University activist Mahmoud Khalil, who is of Palestinian descent, although he is a legal permanent resident. A spokeswoman for the Department of Homeland Security, Tricia McLaughlin, said that Khalil had been arrested “in support of President Trump’s executive orders prohibiting antisemitism.”
The seizure and possible deportation of someone who is a legal permanent resident is ominous.
Fascism has different iterations, but its core attributes are the same. This is why Christian fascists are so energetically working on Israel’s behalf. Fascism thrives off a sense of grievance. Messianic redemption will take place in Israel once the Palestinians, who are condemned as embodying evil, are expelled. Messianic redemption will take place once America returns absolute power to a white, Christianized ethnonationalist state, one that rolls back civil rights legislation — the 1965 Voting Rights Act has already been gutted by the Supreme Court — and slashes social services that “coddle” the poor, especially poor people of color.
The tides are against us. The old alliances are giving way to worldwide authoritarianism whether in Vladimir Putin’s Russia, Xi Jinping’s China, Narendra Modi’s India or Viktor Orbán’s Hungary, all of which use laws and militarized police to silence dissidents, journalists, students and professors, including at their most elite universities such as India’s Jawaharlal Nehru University. The far-right is on the rise across Europe, especially in France and Germany. The radical left and the labor movement have been broken. We have few defenses. We will not be protected by a corporate-indentured and supine Democratic Party or liberal insitutions such as Columbia University.
Fascism can only be defeated with a rival militancy — a militancy communists, anarchists and socialists in the 1930s exhibited — one that offers an alternative vision and does not compromise with despotic power. This rival militancy accepts the inevitability of brutal state repression and the need for self-sacrifice. It does not seek accommodation or appeasement. We will resurrect this militancy and battle back through sustained acts of civil disobedience — including strikes — against these despotic forces, or be reduced to vassals.
‘Time to clarify WHERE Zionists “believe Israel has the right to exist”.
OPTION 1: On the land taken by force from the Palestinians in 1947-1949? Israel already exists on that land! The tantrums and fuss about it – while an entire people is being annihilated – is utterly unsufferable.
2. OPTION 2: everywhere “from the river to the sea”? That is false: The State of Israel has NO right to exist in Gaza, east Jerusalem, and the West Bank (land where Palestinians have exclusive right to self-determination in the form of independent statehood). It is flagrantly unlawful, violates UN Charter, customary IL, ICJ jurisprudence, and much more.‘
Time to clarify WHERE Zionists "believe Israel has the right to exist". OPTION 1: On the land taken by force from the Palestinians in 1947-1949? Israel already exists on that land! The tantrums and fuss about it – while an entire people is being annihilated – is utterly… https://t.co/PgGcXlE15j
— Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur oPt (@FranceskAlbs) March 10, 2025
| truthaholics 